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Analyst's note:  To appreciate why there are no good U.S. choices in Egypt, it is crucial to grasp that Islamic supremacists in Egypt are not limited to the Muslim Brotherhood.  The Muslim Brotherhood is believed to represent about 33% of the country.  Even without the Muslim Brotherhood, because of a long embedded sharia culture,  Islamic supremacists would still likely win control of parliament in a free election.  Because of this, to make a long story short, the ill-conceived “democracy” option would be a catastrophe in Egypt.  Even though the U.S. has used American tax money to buy favor in the highest military leadership of Egypt, the conscripted body of their military is a reflection of Egyptian sharia society.

Don't miss Only Egyptians can finish what they started.  With all this as a background, read on and learn why General Sisi is not doing enough to protect besieged Christian communities throughout Egypt.  Mr. Obama, with his Muslim background and Muslim Brotherhood internal advisors, will not change this mind-set.  The blood of Egypt's Chrisians is on the hands of Obama, McCain and George Soros.

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[....] On the Corner, Nina Shea has written movingly about the ongoing program against Egypt’s Christians. And in a powerful post, David French argues that America’s lavish aid for Egypt’s military ought to be contingent not only on defeat of the Muslim Brotherhood but also on the military’s protection of besieged religious minorities, particularly the Copts. I couldn’t agree more. In fact, I would make all American policy in the Middle East contingent on the protection of minorities and the repeal of sharia’s other oppressive provisions — that would be more meaningful democracy promotion than the charade we’ve been pushing for the past decade.

But is it realistic in Egypt? To answer that question, I’d suggest remembering two things.

The first is that we should not idealize what life was like for Christians in Egypt before the Muslim Brotherhood came to power. Mubarak was, on balance, an American ally, but he made his own accommodations with Islamic supremacists — abiding their prominence in academe, their promotion of anti-Semitism in the media, and their more than occasional harassment of the Copts. The stubborn fact is that attacks on Egypt’s Christians long predate the Brotherhood’s now-aborted rise to political power. In fact, as Ray Ibrahim has recounted and I describe in Spring Fever, Egyptian troops participated in the massacre of Christian demonstrators in Maspero in 2011 — many months before Morsi’s mid-2012 election.

The second is to be mindful of how the Brotherhood won all the elections after Mubarak’s fall — from the first, a referendum on constitutional amendments, through the elections for parliament and the presidency, up to and including the last, a referendum on the sharia constitution. In each instance, in venues from thousands of mosques to Sheikh Qaradawi’s popular Al Jazeera television show, Islamic leaders portrayed every contest as a struggle between Islam and the perceived “enemies of Islam” — Christians and secularist Muslims who are supposedly the cat’s paw of the hated Americans and Zionists. Egyptians — millions of them poor, illiterate, resentful, and more than content to see elections in those terms — voted for Islamic supremacists every time, usually by landslide margins.

Why do you think the Muslim Brotherhood and its allies are torching Christian churches throughout the country? To be sure, doing so is consistent with their supremacist ideology. But the main reason is tactical. In the Egyptian mind, attacking Christians converts the controversy over Morsi’s removal from a matter of the Brotherhood’s governmental incompetence and malevolence to another pitched battle between Islam and the “enemies of Islam.”

Obviously, millions of Egyptians do not see things this way. But if those Egyptians were a majority, Islamic supremacists would never have won control of the government in the first place. In Egypt, the Brotherhood is savaging Christians because . . . it works. General Sisi is not doing enough to protect besieged Christian communities because, even if he is privately inclined to do so, he knows that many of his rank-and-file soldiers are not.

 

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